The Pentagon had long been itching to join the US war on drugs, according to a previously classified report from the Institute for Defense Analyses. This plan, which began taking shape in the early 2000s, involved direct military action against cartels and their leaders.
In the 2015 report, researchers spoke with dozens of high-ranking figures within Mexico's and Colombia's most powerful organized crime groups, gathering insights on how to disrupt transnational networks more effectively. The Pentagon saw a clear opportunity for itself in countering these networks, particularly in regions where violence and corruption thrived.
Top military officials now view "direct military action" as the most effective means of combating narcotics smuggling, with several notable exceptions β such as targeting those who don't have the power to make significant decisions within trafficking organizations. The study's authors propose using intelligence gathering techniques that target high-ranking figures, rather than killing random cartels.
Experts note that military officials had long discussed tactics against organized crime, but this report reveals a more comprehensive strategy. According to retired DEA chief Joseph Keefe and former acting administrator of the DEA William Simpkins, "narcoterrorism" was always a major part of US foreign policy in Central America. This language has become increasingly popular during Trump's presidency.
Trump officials have argued that drug smuggling is itself terrorism, and have launched military strikes against alleged narcoterrorists at sea. One recent strike, off the coast of Venezuela, was condemned by many as an extrajudicial killing. Critics warn that such tactics won't end with cartels, but could exacerbate social problems.
However, a report released by the Institute for Defense Analyses provides more nuanced insights into how military forces can assist in countering organized crime networks. A senior defense official told the Intercept that "the vast majority of transnational organized crime leaders have significant corruption ties."
In the 2015 report, researchers spoke with dozens of high-ranking figures within Mexico's and Colombia's most powerful organized crime groups, gathering insights on how to disrupt transnational networks more effectively. The Pentagon saw a clear opportunity for itself in countering these networks, particularly in regions where violence and corruption thrived.
Top military officials now view "direct military action" as the most effective means of combating narcotics smuggling, with several notable exceptions β such as targeting those who don't have the power to make significant decisions within trafficking organizations. The study's authors propose using intelligence gathering techniques that target high-ranking figures, rather than killing random cartels.
Experts note that military officials had long discussed tactics against organized crime, but this report reveals a more comprehensive strategy. According to retired DEA chief Joseph Keefe and former acting administrator of the DEA William Simpkins, "narcoterrorism" was always a major part of US foreign policy in Central America. This language has become increasingly popular during Trump's presidency.
Trump officials have argued that drug smuggling is itself terrorism, and have launched military strikes against alleged narcoterrorists at sea. One recent strike, off the coast of Venezuela, was condemned by many as an extrajudicial killing. Critics warn that such tactics won't end with cartels, but could exacerbate social problems.
However, a report released by the Institute for Defense Analyses provides more nuanced insights into how military forces can assist in countering organized crime networks. A senior defense official told the Intercept that "the vast majority of transnational organized crime leaders have significant corruption ties."